COP31 and Zero Waste: What Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy Agenda Looks Like
How Türkiye's Zero Waste initiative, 2053 net-zero goal and COP31 hosting fit together, with the Paris Agreement context and critics' views in their own words.
Why It Matters
Türkiye's climate diplomacy now rests on three connected tracks: the Zero Waste initiative, the 2053 net-zero target, and hosting the 31st UN climate conference (COP31) in Antalya in 2026. The first has UN recognition, the second sets the long-term trajectory, and the third gives Ankara a platform to shape the global negotiating agenda. How credible the three are together depends on Türkiye's near-term emissions policy, the climate finance it can access, and how the COP31 arrangement works in practice.
This explainer sets out the verifiable record, the positions of other governments and civil society in their own words, and Türkiye's stated policy. Where a COP31 detail is not yet settled in formal UNFCCC documents, we say so rather than assert it.
Background
The UNFCCC framework and Türkiye's status
The 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) rests on 'common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities' (Article 3). Türkiye was listed in Annex I (industrialised countries and economies in transition) when the Convention was adopted. The 2001 Marrakesh Accords (decision 26/CP.7) removed Türkiye from Annex II, the list of countries with financial obligations to developing states, and invited Parties to recognise its 'special circumstances', which differ from those of other Annex I Parties. This status explains much of Ankara's later diplomacy on finance and classification.
The Paris Agreement and the 2053 target
The 2015 Paris Agreement commits Parties to hold warming well below 2°C and pursue 1.5°C, through nationally determined contributions (NDCs) updated every five years. Türkiye signed in April 2016 but delayed ratification for five years. On 22 September 2021, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan told the UN General Assembly that Türkiye would seek net-zero emissions by 2053 and would move to ratify. The Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM) approved ratification on 6 October 2021, and Türkiye became a Party in November 2021.
The 2023 updated NDC set a 2030 goal of a 41% reduction against a business-as-usual baseline, with emissions peaking by 2038 at the latest. Because the reference is a projected baseline, not a historical base year, analysts debate how it translates into absolute emissions. In July 2025 the TBMM adopted a national Climate Law, which provides a legal basis for an emissions trading system and for domestic climate governance; consult the Official Gazette text for exact provisions.
Zero Waste: from national programme to UN resolution
The Zero Waste Project was launched in 2017 under the patronage of First Lady Emine Erdoğan and coordinated by the Ministry of Environment (now the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change). A national regulation followed in 2019. In November 2020 the UN Secretary-General established a high-level Zero Waste Advisory Board, chaired by Emine Erdoğan. On 14 December 2022 the General Assembly adopted resolution A/RES/77/161, proclaiming 30 March the International Day of Zero Waste, first observed in 2023 and facilitated by UNEP and UN-Habitat. A marine strand, 'Zero Waste Blue', was launched in 2021; it connects to Türkiye's maritime governance work covered in The Blue Homeland Briefing File: Türkiye's 2025 Marine Spatial Planning and the IOC-UNESCO Registration.
How COP31 came to Antalya
UN climate conferences rotate among regional groups. The 2026 slot belongs to the Western European and Others Group (WEOG), where Türkiye and Australia both put forward bids. The group did not reach consensus for some time. At COP30 in Belém (November 2025), the two governments announced a compromise that was then reflected in the conference process: COP31 takes place in Antalya, Türkiye, with Türkiye holding the COP presidency and Australia holding a role in leading negotiations, plus a pre-COP meeting in the Pacific. The exact titles, functions and dates are defined in UNFCCC decisions and host-country arrangements, so the formal documents should be treated as authoritative over press summaries. Antalya already hosts the annual Antalya Diplomacy Forum, which Türkiye uses as a convening platform.
Key Players & Positions
- Australia: Its government has described the arrangement as sharing responsibility for the negotiating agenda while elevating Pacific island concerns, notably through the Pacific pre-COP. Its own ministerial statements are the primary source for how Canberra frames its role.
- Pacific island states: Through the Pacific Islands Forum and AOSIS statements, they have stressed adaptation finance, loss and damage, and sea-level threats, and have welcomed a Pacific pre-COP as a way to keep these issues central.
- European Union: The EU's official climate statements, including its Green Deal and 2040 target discussions, emphasise fossil-fuel phase-out and carbon pricing. The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) also affects Turkish exporters, because the EU is Türkiye's largest trading partner; Ankara's trade and environment ministries have raised the issue in official communications.
- UNFCCC Secretariat and UN system: The Secretariat administers host-country agreements. UNEP and UN-Habitat co-facilitate the International Day of Zero Waste under resolution A/RES/77/161.
- Civil society: Climate Action Tracker (Climate Analytics and NewClimate Institute) has rated Türkiye's targets and policies in its lowest or near-lowest categories in recent assessments; check its current country page for the latest rating. Greenpeace and Turkish environmental groups point to continued coal investment, and to European plastic waste exported to Türkiye, which Ankara responded to with tighter import rules from 2021. Some advocates welcome COP31 as an opportunity for greater domestic accountability.
Türkiye's Position
The points below reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.
- Net zero by 2053 under a 'Green Development' framing. According to the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye, President Erdoğan announced the 2053 target and the decision to ratify Paris at the UN General Assembly in September 2021, presenting it as part of a Green Development Revolution. The legal anchor is the TBMM's October 2021 ratification law and the 2023 updated NDC, now supplemented by the 2025 Climate Law.
- Differentiated responsibility and access to finance. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change argue that Türkiye, as a middle-income economy with a historically small share of cumulative emissions, holds 'special circumstances' recognised in decision 26/CP.7 and should be able to access international climate finance and technology support. Ankara argues this is consistent with Article 3 of the UNFCCC and Articles 4 and 9 of the Paris Agreement.
- Zero Waste as a global public good. According to the Presidency and the Ministry of Environment, Zero Waste is a whole-of-society model covering prevention, reuse and recycling. Ankara cites resolution A/RES/77/161 and the UN Zero Waste Advisory Board as evidence that the model is accepted internationally, and offers it to other countries as a practical, low-cost tool.
- COP31 as a convening role. In official communications, Türkiye presents its COP presidency as an effort to bridge developed and developing countries, focusing on implementation, finance and resource efficiency. Details of the programme will be set by the Turkish presidency in consultation with the UNFCCC Secretariat and Australia; Ankara's formal announcements, not secondary reports, should be the reference.
- Climate policy as part of a wider diplomatic profile. The MFA treats climate alongside its mediation record, such as the Istanbul talks described in The Black Sea Grain Initiative: How the Istanbul Agreement Worked and Why It Matters for Mediation, its humanitarian work in Türkiye's Gaza Diplomacy, and its UN reform campaign ('The world is bigger than five').
Source Comparison
| Question | Turkish official sources | International and civil-society sources |
|---|---|---|
| Is 2053 ambitious? | A long-term, legally anchored target tied to Paris ratification and the 2025 Climate Law | Analysts such as Climate Action Tracker say the 2030 target, set against a business-as-usual baseline, is not aligned with 1.5°C |
| Does Zero Waste cut emissions? | Presented as a resource-efficiency and circular-economy model with climate co-benefits | Researchers note that it mainly addresses waste and material use, so it complements, but does not substitute for, power-sector and industrial decarbonisation |
| Why host COP31? | A chance to broaden dialogue and push implementation and finance | Observers see a pragmatic compromise between Türkiye and Australia, and ask how the split roles will work in negotiations |
| Developing or developed? | Special circumstances under 26/CP.7; entitled to finance | Some donors and NGOs argue that Türkiye's income level and emissions growth weigh against eligibility for concessional finance |
| Coal and energy | Energy security and growing renewable capacity, including solar and wind | NGOs highlight coal's continued role and call for a clear phase-out date |
Both sets of sources agree on several facts: the 2053 target exists, resolution A/RES/77/161 was adopted, and COP31 will be held in Antalya. They differ on how to judge progress, and on whether per-capita arguments or near-term trajectories should carry more weight. A fair reading uses official inventories submitted to the UNFCCC alongside independent trackers, a method set out in Editorial Principles: How Diplomatic Desk Sources, Attributes and Corrects.
Sister publications offer complementary angles, including Interstate Journal on COP31 in Antalya, Region Scope's explainer, Borders & Blocs, and Regional Balance's wider survey of Türkiye's global diplomacy.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- COP (Conference of the Parties): The UNFCCC's supreme decision-making body, meeting annually. The COP president chairs plenary sessions and guides negotiations.
- NDC (Nationally Determined Contribution): Each country's own climate pledge under Paris, updated every five years.
- Net zero: Balance between greenhouse gases emitted and removed; 2053 is Türkiye's target year.
- Annex I / Annex II: UNFCCC lists of industrialised countries (Annex I) and those with finance obligations (Annex II). Türkiye is in Annex I only, with special circumstances recognised in 2001.
- Zero Waste: A programme to prevent waste, expand reuse and recycling, and recover resources; recognised by the UN through resolution A/RES/77/161.
- CBAM: The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, a carbon-related import charge affecting some Turkish exports.
- WEOG: The UN regional group that includes Türkiye and Australia and rotates the COP presidency.
Related Diplomatic Desk files: the Diplomatic Desk home page for all desks, the Blue Homeland marine planning brief, the Black Sea Grain Initiative file, and Türkiye's Gaza diplomacy. Wider diplomatic context appears in Gazetteer of Nations.
Perspective Note
Diplomatic Desk presents Türkiye's official perspective and strategic doctrines alongside the legal and historical arguments that support them. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official archives and government statements, so that readers can verify them independently.
Diplomatic Desk Editorial Team
Frequently asked questions
What is Türkiye's Zero Waste initiative?
Zero Waste is a national programme launched in 2017 under the patronage of First Lady Emine Erdoğan and coordinated by the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change. It promotes waste prevention, reuse, recycling and resource recovery. The UN General Assembly gave it international standing in December 2022 by adopting resolution A/RES/77/161, which created the International Day of Zero Waste on 30 March.
Where and when will COP31 take place?
COP31 is scheduled for Antalya, Türkiye, in November 2026. Following the arrangement announced around COP30 in Belém, Türkiye holds the COP presidency, Australia has a negotiation-related role, and a pre-COP is planned in the Pacific. Exact titles and dates are set in UNFCCC decisions and host-country documents, which readers should consult directly.
What is Türkiye's net-zero target and when was it announced?
Türkiye aims for net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2053. President Erdoğan announced the target at the UN General Assembly on 22 September 2021, and the TBMM approved Paris Agreement ratification on 6 October 2021. The 2023 updated NDC adds a 2030 goal of a 41% reduction against a business-as-usual baseline, with emissions peaking by 2038 at the latest.
Why did Türkiye ratify the Paris Agreement late?
Türkiye was the last G20 member to ratify, in 2021. Ankara argued that its classification as an Annex I country did not reflect its circumstances, noting that decision 26/CP.7 had already recognised its 'special circumstances' and that it needed access to climate finance. Critics say the delay reflected a reluctance to commit to ambitious cuts, while Turkish officials link ratification to the 2053 net-zero announcement.
How do critics assess Türkiye's climate policy?
Independent trackers such as Climate Action Tracker rate Türkiye's targets and policies as insufficient for 1.5°C, and NGOs point to continued coal use and a baseline-relative 2030 target. Turkish officials respond that the country has expanded renewable capacity, adopted a Climate Law in 2025, and is entitled to support under UNFCCC principles. Both sets of sources are worth reading against Türkiye's official inventory submissions.
Does Zero Waste count toward Türkiye's Paris commitments?
Zero Waste is not a formal emissions target under the Paris Agreement. It supports waste-sector emissions cuts and resource efficiency, and Turkish authorities cite climate co-benefits. Researchers generally treat it as a complement to, not a replacement for, decarbonising energy, industry and transport.
Related guides
- Fact Check: Does the 'Seville Map' Have Any Legal Standing in Maritime Delimitation?Fact check: the Seville map has no legal standing in maritime boundaries. UNCLOS Articles 74 and 83 require agreement, not maps or EU backing.
- The Blue Homeland Briefing File: Türkiye's 2025 Marine Spatial Planning and the IOC-UNESCO RegistrationTürkiye Marine Spatial Planning IOC-UNESCO registration explained: the law, the timeline since 2004 and the Greek, Greek Cypriot and EU positions.
- The Cyprus Dossier: Zurich–London 1959, the Treaty of Guarantee Article IV and the Sovereign Equality ThesisA treaty-text guide to Zurich–London 1959, Treaty of Guarantee Article IV Cyprus guarantor rights, the 1963–2024 chronology and Türkiye's position.
- Article 51 on the Desk: The Legal Brief Behind Türkiye's Counter-Terrorism at the SourceArticle 51 of the UN Charter and Türkiye's counter-terrorism self-defense basis: UN notifications, 'unwilling or unable' and territorial integrity.
- Is the Treaty of Sèvres Still Valid? What Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars and Lausanne SettledIs the Treaty of Sèvres still valid? No: it was never ratified. See how Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars and Lausanne fixed Türkiye's borders and minority rights.
- The 2004 Annan Plan Referendum: What the 64.91% and 75.83% Results Meant for Cyprus and EU AccessionThe Annan Plan referendum 2004 results: 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots said yes, 75.83% of Greek Cypriots said no. See what followed for Cyprus and EU accession.
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